SIXTY FOUR.

    The Ambassador's words hit home with an impact that rolled through the minds of the Presidential advisors like a series of shock waves. No one spoke. There was nothing to say until the Ambassador was gone. President Hayes had all but pleaded for the Ambassador to give them more time, but the Ambassador had been firm. It was time for an even hand and bold steps. Waiting a week or a month served no purpose other than to allow Israel to find a way to hold on to the land.

    Kennedy watched as Valerie Jones escorted the Ambassador from the room. The President's chief of staff followed him into the hallway in a desperate effort to get him to reconsider. Kennedy didn't need to be told what to do. Getting up from the couch, she walked over to the President's desk and picked up the handset of his bulky secure telephone unit. She punched in ten digits and waited for Charles Workman, her deputy director of intelligence, to answer. On the third ring she got him.

    "Charlie, I need an immediate intel pull on everything we have over the last forty-eight hours between Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf States concerning a possible oil embargo against us if we veto the French resolution at the UN."

    Kennedy listened for a moment and said, "No, it's firsthand. Ambassador Aziz just informed the President of their intentions." Again she listened to her DDI and then replied, "That's right. Use every asset we've got. I need some hard intel within the hour."

    The director of the CIA returned to find a shell-shocked President and a very agitated Secretary of defense.

    "Mr. President, this embargo could be construed as an act of war."

    "That's interesting, Rick," chimed Secretary of State Berg.

    "That's what the Japanese said when we placed an oil and steel embargo on them back in forty-one."

    The President looked to Berg, ignoring her historical comparison and

    asked, "Are they bluffing?"

    Berg, who seemed to be taking the news better than anyone else, said, "I'm not sure, but the Gulf States do have a history of false bravado."

    "Meaning?"

    "Meaning… they might be unified at the moment, but who knows what next week will hold. Some of them are in the red… a few are barely in the black." Berg gestured with her hands that it was a toss-up.

    "I can't see a unified embargo holding for very long. We need the oil and they need our money."

    "We can't allow this embargo to last a day," announced National Security Advisor Haik.

    "The mere mention of it could precipitate a worldwide recession. Markets would plunge overnight ten to twenty percent."

    "But what about our reserves?" asked Culbertson.

    "We can increase our imports from Venezuela and Russia and the former republics. and if we have to we can drill in Alaska."

    "Who says Venezuela and Russia won't go along with them," replied Haik.

    "And besides, all of that will take time. Two months from the onset of the embargo we could probably get back to near normal supply levels, but that's not what worries me. What worries me is the devastating effect it would have on an already strained economy." Haik turned his attention to the President.

    "The last time they really hit us with an embargo was in seventy-three, and it took us a decade to climb out of the hole."

    Valerie Jones hurried back into the room catching the end of the national security advisor's comments. She quickly added, "And we ended up with interest rates at seventeen percent, runaway inflation and unemployment approaching double digits. Mr. President, we cannot let that happen again."

    Her implication was clear. If the embargo was put into effect any chance he had at serving another four years would be dragged down with the floundering economy. Looking back at Jones, Hayes asked, "What did he say when you walked him out?"

    "He says they are resolute in their decision. Now is the time for a Palestinian state."

    Hayes sighed.

    "We have no choice."

    The defense Secretary wasn't quite ready to give in.

    "Sir, let's engage the French and see if we can get them to delay the vote… even a day or two. In exchange we could demand that Israel withdraw its forces from Hebron."

    Hayes shook his head in desperation. The French would never go along with such a plan. They had center stage right now, and were not about to miss the opportunity to ram Palestinian statehood down Israel's throat.

    "Sir, we can't do it this way," Culbertson stated with great conviction.

    "Israel will never honor the resolution until a real cease-fire is in place and they have been given assurances from all the Arab states. We need time to make this work."

    "Unfortunately," said Hayes, lifting his head, "we don't have time."

    "Let's at least try."

    "I agree with Rick, Mr. President." Secretary of State Berg looked at her watch.

    "The vote isn't scheduled to take place for another five hours. We should see if we can get a withdrawal in exchange for a cease-fire. Maybe even propose a peace summit in Paris for next week."

    "All right. See what you can do with the French." Hayes motioned for them to get started and both cabinet members got up. The President turned his attention to Kennedy.

    "Is there a chance the Saudis are bluffing?"

    "There's a chance, but I think there's a better chance they're serious.

    I put a call in to Charlie to find out what we've picked up in the last forty-eight hours. If they've been talking we should have picked something up."